At age 41, Antonio Vargas, an Amazonian Quichua, is a 20-year veteran of the indigenous movement. President of the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) since 1996, he has been largely responsible for keeping the organization intact and helping it recover successfully from a major institutional crisis.
Vargas was elected as CONAIE’s second president in 1996 at a congress marred by controversy and infighting between Amazonian and highland leadership groups that almost tore the organization apart. This internal conflict was instigated by the Bucaram Administration, which had sought to manipulate and divide the movement by co-opting some of its leaders, mainly from the Amazonian region. Being from this region himself and having been elected under conflictive circumstances, Vargas was initially viewed as suspect by many in the organization: “I came in as an intermediary,” explains Vargas. “Some thought that I came directly from Bucaram himself. Many people did not understand, but I have demonstrated through my actions that I have worked for the unity of the people.”*
Vargas was re-elected to a second three-year term in November of last year and is considered to represent a moderate line within the organization. In the past he has been criticized by some within the movement for moving too close to the government in power. Despite this reputation for moderation and in some cases accommodation, under Vargas’ helm CONAIE has participated in and provided much of the leadership for social upheavals that succeeded in bringing down two standing presidents: Abdalá Bucaram (February 1997) and Jamil Mahuad (January 2000). More than just an effective organizer, Vargas clearly is also a shrewd politician who has demonstrated his ability to play several hands simultaneously without ever completely compromising himself.
Vargas came to CONAIE with significant organizing experience behind him, beginning in high school. In his twenties, Vargas was involved in efforts to develop provincial-level indigenous organizations in his province. He has served as the president of his local community, Unión Base, as well as Provincial Director of Bilingual Education in Pastaza. In the early 1990s he was first elected as vice-president and then president of the Organization of Indigenous Peoples of Pastaza (OPIP). One of the most active Amazonian organizations at the provincial level, the OPIP works to defend and legalize ownership of indigenous territories and to help native communities gain control over land use, especially with regard to oil extraction. In 1992 during Vargas’ presidency, the OPIP carried out a highly successful two-week march that resulted in the legalization of indigenous rights over 2.75 million acres of land.
Indigenous unity, nonviolence and movement autonomy are three of the themes that come up repeatedly as Vargas talks about the movement and his leadership goals. His evaluation of the outcome of the January 21 takeover reflects his long-term vision:
The illusions of January 21 were momentary. Many people were excited that power was in our hands, but to exercise this power is difficult. That is why we say it is better things turned out as they did. And with this experience we now have to prepare ourselves even more, training professionals, strengthening our alliances with other social sectors, and continuing to promote the unity of the movement. In the long term we have a dream of profound changes in this country that will benefit all of society. I continue to believe that change in Ecuador will be achieved through peaceful means.
Grandson of a shaman, from whom Vargas claims to have received energy and power for his work, Vargas grew up in a rural community in Pastaza at a time when interethnic warfare between indigenous groups was still common. This violence touched his own life when he was about seven or eight. One night, warriors from the neighboring Schuar nationality came into the room where he and other family members were sleeping. They shot and killed his grandmother and cousin, but overlooked the two brothers at the back of the room, who miraculously remained asleep during the whole terrifying episode. This type of intertribal violence was especially intense during his grandparents’ generation, when a virtual war between shamans exacted high tolls on all communities involved.
Vargas—who lived through this interethnic violence and then grew up to lead organizations like OPIP and CONAIE that have succeeded in uniting under one banner groups that in some cases used to be enemies—exemplifies the astonishing achievements of the Ecuadorian indigenous movement.
Discrimination and efforts to impose the Spanish language led Vargas to begin organizing for indigenous interests at a very young age:
We saw that other people—religious groups, and political parties of the right or left—had been taking advantage of the indigenous. They were the ones who gave orders and imposed their will. They participated in elections but never shared power with the Indians. So we asked ourselves: “Until when will indigenous peoples continue to be marginalized, holding back our own voice to struggle?”
Vargas has clearly dedicated his life to responding to this question.
* All quotes are from an interview with Antonio Vargas conducted by the author on February 4, 2000 in Quito.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Jennifer N. Collins is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego. She currently has a Fulbright grant to carry out field research on political clientelism within the Ecuadorian and Bolivian party systems and the emergence of new indigenous movement-related parties.
