How would you describe the current situation of the coca growers movement in Bolivia? We are focusing on how the government violates its own laws as well as the agreements that they have signed with us. For example, we have mobilized against Law 1008 which controls coca produc- tion, because the law is unjust. But despite massive mobi- lizations and protests, not even one article of the law has been changed. In 1991, we signed an agreement which promised that the armed forces would not participate in actions against drug trafficking or in coca eradication. But in reality, the armed forces are in the Chapare region, the principal coca growing region in Bolivia, using their sol- diers to forcibly eradicate our crops. Another level of our struggle is to obtain compliance with the terms of an agreement we signed after a 1996 march to the capital. The agreement eliminated forced eradication and replaced it with voluntary eradication and fair compensation carried out in conjunction with development projects. But the government is not respecting this agreement. The problem that we coca growers have is an eco- nomic one. Since eradication began, 100,000 to 125,000 acres have been destroyed, but the government has never provided adequate alternative development or crop substitution. We cannot make a living any other way, so we continue to grow coca. For example, those who replaced coca with pineapple have found that they have been tricked; the local market for pineapple is sat- urated and there is no real access to an external market. And because the government has tricked them, they will continue to plant coca. The root problem that concerns everyone is land. In Bolivia, the 1953 Agrarian Reform mostly benefited landowners, logging companies, cattle ranchers and NACIA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS aVOICES ON THE LEFT transnational companies. Of 88 million acres of productive land in Bolivia, campesinos only control about ten mil- lion. We are beginning to recognize our identity. We are neither peasants nor colo- nizers; we are the original owners of this country. Do you think things are going to get bet- ter or remain the same? Things are going to get worse. Almost all the zones of coca production in the Chapnar now Rather than getting better, things are going to get worse. Almost all the zones of have se coca production in the Chapare now have self-defense committees whose role is to commit organize, prepare and resist government role is t repression. This resistance is going on as we speak. We just received news that there prepare were confrontations today and yesterday. Before we only resisted with demonstra- gove tions and mobilizations, with roadblocks and other forms of pressure. But now repi we’re thinking that if 500 or 600 well- armed troops attack with tear gas and bul- lets, then the coca growers won’t be able to defend themselves with just sticks. Because of this, some unions are suggesting that if the government attacks with guns, then we as citizens have every right to defend ourselves and take up arms. What is happening could escalate at any moment. We recognize the possibility. This could blow up into a revolution. And do you think that there could be political changes within the government which would improve the situa- tion of the coca growers? No, we don’t have this hope, especially since cur- rently several leftist and populist parties are part of the government, and things remain the same as under pre- vious governments. What are the goals of your organization? And what strategies and tactics are you employing to reach those goals? Our short term goals are to get the agreements we have signed with the government carried out. Our long term goals are to avoid conflict. The coca growers want sustainable development, in which each family that produces coca would benefit from alternative crops and the commercialization of crops that are produced in the Chapare. Every time we propose this, we are told that it would cost too much. If the government will not move on this, then we as an organization are thinking of developing our own projects to increase the production of alternative crops. As a union we have not managed to confront this gov- ernment with roadblocks or strikes, nor have we man- VoL XXXI, No 1 JuLY/AuG 1997 lf-defense tees whose o organize, and resist .rnment session. aged to get laws passed in our favor. So we think that we must confront the government politically, by organizing our own party and participating in the elections. Then we would have our own representatives in the Bolivian Congress who would be able to defend and revise the laws that are against us as coca growers and against the Quechua and Aymara peoples. We have already done this in the Chapare, where coca growers won the last elec- tions in three municipalities as well as in sub-municipalities, local districts and councils. But this is not going to remain only at the local level; the project is a large one. We have been organizing the rank and file to participate in the national elections in June, 1997. We had a meeting of the Campesino Confederation, the Colonizers’ Federation and the First Nations Council, where we met to discuss how to best partici- pate in the elections and to choose possible candidates. Between us, we represent the majority of people in our country. This whole process is being promoted and encouraged by the coca growers. We hope that this year the campesinos will respond positively to our proposals and we will have representation in Congress. We may not be as successful as we would like this election, but by the next election we want to be able to demonstrate the unity of the campesino movement. This is a long term process that will take much time. We are going to seek the help of professionals and intel- lectuals who are identified with us and who can assist us with this process. If one day we succeed in becom- ing the government, we will begin to seek a truly sus- tainable development for all the campesinos, colonizers and indigenous people. What is the relationship between the coca producers and political parties? Was this electoral mobilization done with the cooperation of political parties or indepen- dently? The coca producers aren’t really involved with polit- ical parties. Of course in each town in the Chapare there are members of different political parties. In the munic- ipal elections, a party will provide us with their banner, not as members of the party, but rather as part of the Sovereign Assembly of the people. There are currently eight deputies and one senator in Congress who are considered indigenous representa- tives. These deputies have been used and manipulated by political parties. Our project is very different. We 11VOICES ON THE LEFT elect our representatives in con- gresses and our representatives have to follow the instructions given by the rank and file. For example, they will be instructed to find a way to divide Law 1008 in two parts, one to deal with controlled substances and the other to deal with the coca leaf in its natural state. But they will represent their social constituency, not any par- ticular party. How would you describe the partici- pation of the grassroots in your orga- nization? Since the 1953 Agrarian Reform, campesino organizations have be- come strong and important, since without an organization one is like an orphan. When you are organized into a union, in a federation, you are like a child who has his father, his mother and his house. Campesinos have a lot of confidence in their union organiza- Without an organization, one is like an orphan. When you are organized into a union, you are like a child who has his father, his mother and his house. tion, which means that the parent organizations have a lot of dignity and respect in our country. An example of how much confidence there is was demonstrated in the 1996 march when 50,000 people marched to La Paz to demand their rights as coca growers. And the popula- tion in general came out in solidarity, providing food and medicine which enabled us to stay two weeks in La Paz. Do you think campesinos are more or less willing to mobilize and participate now compared to five or ten years ago? Before, the way the union movement operated was almost the complete opposite of how it operates today. A great deal depended on how the individual union leader acted. There were leaders who helped the gov- ernment and who lived off the government. If the leader of a particular confederation is honest and responsive to the grassroots, things work well, but if that leader is corrupt and only seeks personal interests, then the orga- nization does not function. During this term in office, we have been more honest and worked harder for the campesinos. Unionism has changed, and with our new executive committee, there has been more effort to communicate directly with the grassroots and explain to them what is going on. What is the role of women within the federation of coca producers? The women are organized in their own union, the Bartolina Sisas Peasant Federation. Here in the Chapare, the local women’s fed- erations are affiliated with the national women’s federation. We have seen that the women are the ones who suffer the most when the family doesn’t have any money because they have to buy food every week. Also when there is illness in the family the women are responsible for caring for the sick and buying medicine. Because of this, the women real- ize that if men haven’t been able to resist the government, then they must. What kind of links does your orga- nization maintain with other groups or movements? Do you also work with nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)? We work closely with the Confederation of Colonizers of Bolivia, with the Indigenous Federation of Bolivia and with the Bolivia Workers Central, with which we are affiliated. We are also affil- iated with international organizations in Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela, Guatemala-everywhere there are indigenous movements. We also have communication with the Landless Movement in Brazil. The Catholic Church has won the confidence of the coca producers because it has served as an intermediary in numerous negotiations with the government and is a neutral body that we trust. The same isn’t true regard- ing Protestant sects that speak against the coca produc- ers and even hold that the coca leaf in its natural form is harmful. At the present time, the Campesino Confederation does not have a formal relationship with any NGOs, except for a few international NGOs to whom we pro- vide information that they disseminate to other coun- tries. Some local NGOs work with some federations and unions, but the parent organization does not allow it. It is easier for local NGOs to work with the grass- roots, with communities, where people are not sophis- ticated and can be tricked. From the amount of inter- national funding NGOs receive, they invest 30%, perhaps 50% in the project and they keep the rest. Therefore the central union prefers to have no relation- ship with them. Also, NGOs that work in the Chapare always succumb to government pressure to support coca eradication programs, to urge campesinos not to plant more coca, and to support reforestation pro- grams. Because of this, groups in the Chapare have few ties to NGOs.
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