In August, 1996, the Statutory Assembly charged with drafting a new statute for the city of Buenos Aires unanimously approved the inclusion of a clause recognizing “the right to be different” and con- demning all forms of discrimination, including those based on sexual orientation. The clause had been proposed by Maria Jose Lubertino, a feminist politi- cian and member of the Assembly who has long worked with lesbian organizations. Yet while les- bians had a presence among the many gay, lesbian, transgendered, transvestite and bisexual groups that lobbied the Assembly to include the clause, their par- ticipation was minimal compared to other groups. The enthusiasm and activism that this campaign sparked among many gay and travesti organiza- tions did not spill over into lesbian organizations and the lesbian community at large, reflecting the current state of the lesbian move- ment in Argentina. Members of the Gay/Lesbian Youth Group were very enthusias- tic about the campaign, as were
some independent lesbians. Les-
bians in Sight was also involved,
though they were a bit more dis-
tant. But many women, including
some who actually participated in
the campaign, expressed reserva-
tions about its political objectives.
“Since discrimination itself is not penalized the clause is really
meaningless for my everyday existence,” says Luci-
ana Kerner, a member of the Youth Group. “It was a
symbolic victory, but it has no visible impact on the
lives of lesbians today.” Laura Eiven, a feminist and
member of Lesbians in Sight, raised questions about
the negative impact of such legalistic campaigns.
“These political gains show that we have not been
able to change the system, and so have no other
choice but to insert ourselves within it,” says Eiven.
“At least for now, this is our only avenue of resis-
tance-and it is a bit too ‘legalistic’ for my taste.”
These women belong to a sector of the lesbian com-
munity that is the direct political heir of the first wave
of activists of the Argentinian Homosexual
Community (CHA). They also bring to their activism
Alejandra Sarda is a psychologist and a member of the Written on the Body Archives and Library in Buenos Aires. She is cur-
rently the co-secretary of Lesbians, Bisexual and Transgendered
Women of the International Lesbian and Gay Association 2
(ILGA),
NACI4A REPORT ON THE AMERICAS 40REPORT ON SEXUAL POLITICS
Movement in Argentina
the experience and gender consciousness acquired in
the feminist and women’s movements, and propose a
line of work within the broader lesbian/gay/transves-
tite/transsexual/bisexual (LGTTB) movement that pro-
motes visibility and emphasizes public activity. Yet for
many women, the desire and incentives to participate
in the LGTTB movement have been mitigated by the
sexism and misogyny of homosexual men which,
despite some genuine efforts to change, remain a
widespread problem among male activists in
Argentina. Another factor which has kept many on
the margins of activity are the increasing disagree-
ments over the directions that activism should take.
This has led individuals and organizations, like
Lesbians in Sight for example, to shift their priorities
towards women’s issues rather than gay rights per se.
The broader LGTTB movement is currently organiz-
Ding around two different issues-domestic-part-
ner benefits and police brutality against travestis and
gay men. In general, lesbians feel quite alienated by
both campaigns. With respect to domestic-partner
rights, many believe that such benefits are meaning-
less in a society which demonstrates little tolerance
for sexual diversity. “The idea is that if my partner is
entitled to social benefits, then I can have access to
them as well,” says Luciana. “Yet in many work-
places, if you say that you are a lesbian, you run the
risk of being fired and there is nothing to protect
you.” Alejandra voices even harsher criticisms:
“There is a powerful class bias in these demands.
They emphasize employment benefits and marriage,
which are middle-class issues. None of these organi-
zations recognize that there are other social classes
with other needs and interests, and none of them are
proposing a more radical agenda.” Lesbians have
also expressed objections to the way in which the
movement is confronting the issue of police violence.
“Organizations focus their attack on the police,” says
Alejandra, “which is nothing but an arm of the state,
instead of demanding changes in the structures of
power themselves.”
There are also polemical debates within the move-
ment about whether private corporations should
sponsor events like the Gay Pride March, and about
how do deal with gay bars that explicitly exclude
travestis. This is exacerbating already existing ten-
sions between lesbians, who tend to favor keeping
events free of corporate sponsorship, and gay men.
Lesbians also favor cutting off ties with and publicly
exposing bars that discriminate. These differences
could produce a schism that could take the move-
ment back to its pre-1995 state, when most lesbians
refused to work with gay men. But this is not the
only possible outcome. Lesbians could remain in the
movement and serve as its “critical conscience” by making sure that the movement in general does not sell itself short when negotiating between the possi- ble and the desirable, between concrete struggles and utopian visions-a tension that most social movements of the 1990s know all too well. Some of the lesbians who did not participate in the campaign around the anti-discrimination clause are affiliated with The House of the Moons, an organization that sponsors social, cultural and polit- ical activities exclusively for women of all sexual ori- entations. They define themselves as feminists and form part of the autonomous current of the move- ment. They do not participate in either the Gay Pride March or the National Gatherings-the two major events organized by the LGTTB movement. They oppose media visibility and are not interested in civil rights struggles. Nor do they maintain any formal political relationships with other lesbian groups, although many women from the other political sec- tors of the community attend social and cultural events at The House of the Moons.
The vast majority of Argentine lesbians are skepti- cal of all organizations. Some of them come together in bars or dance clubs, but they are also a minority. “Lesbians in this country live in circumstances of overwhelming invisibility and silence,” says Luciana. “They must go through long and difficult internal processes before they can even consider coming out and demanding more. Their first struggle is to accept themselves, and for many, this takes a very long time.”
Outside Buenos Aires, the participation of lesbians in organizations is practically nonexistent. When they do participate, it is usually in contexts where men set the political agenda. This is partly driven by the economic disparity that has always existed between men and women, which has been dramati- cally intensified by the current economic crisis. This forces many women to concentrate their energies and resources exclusively on subsistence, leaving lit-
tle room for other activities. And the “ease” with
which men inhabit public spaces is still being fueled by an educational system that is deeply sexist. When
lesbians do become visible, moreover, they become easy targets for violence, especially in the provinces, where there are no organizations that provide safe spaces for women in such circumstances. If the orga- nized lesbian movement is to emerge as a positive voice with an agenda of its own, it must learn to reach this vast unorganized sector of women and to incorporate their needs and concerns into its political work.
Menu
