Last August, the military dictatorship in Argentina made some
significant changes in the government. Army General Jorge Rafael Videla, the leader of the three man military junta retired from the military to become “civilian” president. Videla will rule together with the three man junta, composed of the heads of the Army, Navy and Air Force.
These changes merely represent a new phase in the military’s long-term plan to solidify a fascist-type state in Argentina–
the only viable alternative for controlling the working class movement and guaranteeing the submission of the economy to foreign monopolies. The military is also proposing a rewriting of the National Constitution to legalize the recent changes. This is aimed at permanently establishing military participation in the government, while at the same time winning the support of conservative civilian groups and parties.
The military has attempted to gain political mileage by characterizing these moves as a new “opening” and “dialogue with civilians.” But it is clear that the dictatorship has no intention of stopping or even lessening the brutal repression that has characterized its rule. The kidnapping of suspected leftists has continued (more than 100 between June and September, according to conservative estimates), and there are frequent reports of the execution and disappearances of political prisoners. In the last two years, the military’s effort to break the back of Argentina’s strong workers’ and revolutionary movement has taken a massive toll: 10.000 killed, 15,000 kidnapped, and 18-20,000 imprisoned.
____________________________________________
UPDATE CORRECTION
UNDOCUMENTED CHILDREN WIN RULING IN HOUSTON CASE
A favorable ruling September 14 on a case brought by MALDEF in
Houston, Texas will allow undocumented immigrant children access to free public education in that school district. This
s a significant victory, but contrary to p.28 of NACLA Report,
Sept.-Oct. 1978, the Tyler ruling applies only to Houston and not to the 1200 other school districts in Texas. Many other suits simiar to MALDEF’s are now being filed by Texas immigration activists.
-NACLA West Mexico Project
[For more information write to Estevan Flores: UT Center for the Study of Human Resources, Migration Project, Austin Texas, 78712.]
_____________________________________________
ATTACK ON THE TRADE UNIONS
As part of this new phase, the military is also attempting to reorganize and bring under its control the organizations that were taken over or dismantled by the dictatorship after the coup-the judicial system, political parties and the trade union confederation. Particularly threatening to the popular resistance in Argentina is the military’s plans vis-a-vis the labor movement.
When the junta took over in 1976, the General Confederation
of Labor (CGT) had a membership of over three million
workers, a combative rank-and-file movement, and was perhaps
the strongest trade union confederation in Latin America. The
military immediately took over the CGT, appointing a general as its head and retired military officers as controllers of individual unions. The confederation’s funds were frozen, its top leadership imprisoned, and many militants kidnapped or murdered.
The recently proposed union reorganization law would replace
the single confederation with several smaller (and consequently weaker) ones, outlaw industry-wide unions, place
severe restrictions on the right to strike, and allow the government to intervene directly in union administration.
The military’s goal of destroying the Dower of the labor
movement flows directly from the economic model it has
imposed on Argentina-a model aimed at strengthening the hold
of large foreign and local monopoly companies. The $7 billion
boost in monopoly earnings last year was gained at the expense
of workers, whose real wages have fallen disastrously. And the
virtual destruction of several small and medium-sized industries has thrown thousands of workers into the streets. None of this would have been conceivable without forcibly silencing the workers’ organizations.
TWO TENDENCIES
However, the military is having some difficulty in applying its plan. Within the military, there are increasing differences over economic policy, and so far no major civilian political party is willing to talk with the military or “civilian” Videla about anything except when the generals plan to return to the barracks.
Admiral Massera, who voluntarily retired as commander of the Navy and junta member in September to enter civilian life, is
the political representative of the sectors within and without the military which would like to revise the current economic
policy. Massera seems to believe that the current policy (so-called “videlismo”) is too damaging to local business and agricultural interests, that the attack on wages will “create uncontrollable explosions,” and only favors foreign finance and monopoly companies. Not surprisingly, his main support comes from the local business interests who produce for the internal market (who are hard hit by an inflation rate of 102 percent in the first nine months of this year). Massera has announced his intention of forming his “Movement of Opinion,” one of several fascist-like movements that the military hopes will replace the traditional political parties. Massera’s
movement would most likely be based on centrist elements of
the Radical and Peronist Parties.
In spite of the disagreement between the Massara faction and the “videlismo” supporters that dominate official policy, both
groups operate within the parameters set by dependent capitalism in Argentina. And both positions represent attempts to achieve political alliances to legitimize the dictatorship. No one in the Armed Forces intends to transfer power to civilians, even gradually.
The military, however, faces some worrisome problems in its
attempts to solidify its rule. Opposition to the regime from
bourgeois democratic political leaders is increasing, although
still not highly effective. And the working class continues to carry out strikes and job actions, as well as a tenacious defense of the trade unions. The relatives of the disappeared and political prisoners continue gathering every Thursday in front of the Government House in Buenos Aires despite the kidnapping of several of their numbers. In contrast to the rhetoric about “dialogue,” the regime finds itself more and more isolated, and worried about the formation of an anti-dictatorial front composed of the workers’ movement and the democratic opposition.
