The 81st article of the Constitutional draft sent by Marshall Castelo Branco to Congress states that only the President of the Republic “is able to permit foreign military forces to pass through or temporarily remain on national territory.” Marshall Castelo Branco wants the constitution to open the way for a group called the “InterAmerican Defense Force” and to remove beforehand any opposition from the next national Congress. Article 81 also gives the President sole authority to “enter into treaties and international agreements ad referendum of the Congress.” There are plans to hold an inter-American conference of the chiefs-of-state. At this conference the United States government may exert pressure on other participating governments to establish an inter-American force, similar to the NATO treaty, as has been proposed by U. S. Secretary of Defense, Robert McNamara. At present, the North American authorities move with discretion and do not insist too much on this point. There is already known opposition in Chile, Argentina, Peru, and Colombia. But in Argentina the removal of General Pascual Pistarini as Commander-In-Chief of the Army is considered an important step toward the creation of the Inter-American Army. At a recent military conference held in Buenos Aires which was attended by representatives of all the armies of member countries of the OAS, General Pistarini voiced his opposition to such an idea. His political liquidation, which coincided with the gradual adjustment of the government of General Juan Carlos Cngania along political lines recommended by North American financial authorities, and once again incarnated by the engineer Alvaro Alsogaray, is very significant. Cn the other hand, the Bolivian government of General Rene Barrientos is equivalent to an anti-revolutionary pro-U.S. restoration….
During this process the role of the Castelo Branco Brazilian government was the saddest of all….Castelo Branco’s repeated statements on the creation of an appropriate mechanism for collective security gave support to the initiatives of the Foreign Minister who recently visited several South American capitals. During this time the U.S. government maintained a cautious position waiting to see the results of the Brazilian feelers. But the worst thing the Castelo Branco government did in this business was to attempt to institutionalize the creation of the Inter-American force through Article 81 of the new Constitution. The government went too far. Before, the Itamarati (Department of Foreign Relations) said the Force would be formed by elite contingents, stationed in their respective countries, which could be mobilized at the wink of an eye. Now it appears there will not only be free movement of the Force on Brazilian territory but even the establishment of military encampments here. And he who speaks of foreign armies also speaks of bases–including the stationing of units equipped with nuclear warheads, rocket launching platforms, etc…. It is not easy to live independently next to a great nation, no matter which one it may be. And the United States is in a critical phase, having to choose between the “national glory or the public well being, a great empire or a great society,’ as Senator J. William Fulbright said (at Kansas State College, October 14, 1966).
Some days ago, Ambassador Lincoln Gordon, Undersecretary of State for Latin American Affairs, denied that the United States asked for troops for Vietnam from Brazil or from any Latin American nation. At this time new negotiations of this type are in progress. But two days ago the Turkish government clearly stated that it will not entertain requests to send troops to Southeast Asia. Early this month in Paris Secretary of State Dean Rusk affirmed that it would be a pleasure to receive help–no matter from where or how–for the war in Vietnam. North American hopes that NATO nations might participate in the Vietnamese conflict seem defeated. West Germany and Great Britain have helped the U.S. in this case, but always emphasizing the non-military character of their aid. The other NATO nations have maintained a prudent silence. In such a situation it would be strange if the United States did not solicit a clear demonstration of support from the Latin American neighbors. The actual participation of a country in the Vietnamese conflict could determine the status of that country in the scope of a continental military organization. And with the Brazilian government establishing a constitutional precedent in order to take care of the specific case of the Inter-American Defense Force, we do not reject any hypothesis of a greater commitment, regardless of how absurd such a hypothesis might seem to some and no matter how many denials it might provoke.
Hermano Alves is a leading Brazilian journalist specializing in military and political issues. During the most recent Brazilian elections he was elected a delegate to the rational Congress from Guanabara. He is a member of the Opposition Brazilian Democratic Movement Party. (Note: On Jan. 21, 1967 the New York Times reported that the constitutional provision permitting foreign troops to remain in Brazil without Congressional approval was included in the new Brazilian Constitution.)
