Newsbriefs

DOMINICAN STAND-OFF
SANTO DOMINGO, JUNE 16, 1994
A month after the May 16
presidential elections in the
Dominican Republic, there is still
no officially declared winner.
Opposition candidate Jos6 Fran-
cisco Pefia G6mez, of the social-
democratic Dominican Revolu-
tionary Party (PRD), charged that
President Joaquin Balaguer, who
represents the Social Christian
Reformist Party (PRSC), was try-
ing to pull off an electoral coup,
putting the nation’s political sta-
bility at risk. Pefia G6mez assert-
ed that about 200,000 PRD sup-
porters, despite having voter
registration cards, were not
allowed to vote, since their
names were mysteriously absent
from the lists at the polling
places.
In addition, the PRD’s repre-
sentative on the PRSC-dominated
Central Electoral Board charged
that during the computerized bal-
lot tally, thousands of votes were
added to Balaguer’s total.
According to Pefia G6mez, in
some precincts the number of bal-
lots cast was higher than the num-
ber of registered voters.
On May 18, the OAS observer
delegation joined the growing
chorus of fraud charges, report-
ing that they had observed seri-
ous irregularities and significant
numbers of voters who were not
allowed to cast their ballot. The
National Democratic Institute for
International Affairs (NDI) dele-
gation, led by former Congres-
sional representative Stephen
Solarz, also confirmed irregulari-
ties in computer vote tabulations
and widespread denial of ballots
to validly registered voters,
mainly to those affiliated with
opposition parties. “The disen-
franchisement, given its magni-
tude and distribution, could
affect the outcome of the elec-
tion,” Solarz told reporters.
Four years earlier, Balaguer
had won with a close margin
over his rival, former president
and writer Juan Bosch, in elec-
tions that had also been declared
fraudulent. Then, Washington
had remained silent. But now,
Balaguer’s failure to respect the
oil and arms embargo imposed
by the United Nations in Sep-
tember, 1991 against neighbor-
ing Haiti has led the United
States to speak up against the
electoral irregularities. Rumors
in Santo Domingo have it that
U.S. Ambassador Robert S. Pas-
torino has pressured President
Balaguer to uphold the embargo
against Haiti in return for recog-
nition of his electoral victory. In
addition, the U.S. State Depart-
ment is mediating delicate nego-
tiations under which Balaguer
could retain the presidency,
while ceding the parliamentary
presidency and control of certain
key cities to the PRD.
-NotiSur and
InterPress Service
POLITICAL INFIGHTING AT
SANDINISTA SPECIAL
CONGRESS
MANAGUA, JUNE 6, 1994
Sn May 20-23 the Sandinista
National Liberation Front
(FSLN) conducted its long-
awaited Special Congress. The
event was marked by sharp polit-
ical debate which underscored
the turmoil within the FSLN as it
still reels from the 1990 electoral
defeat and struggles to define its
role as Nicaragua’s primary
opposition party. The Congress
represented a victory for Daniel
Ortega, who was reelected as
party general secretary, and for
his political tendency which won
a majority of the seats on the
National Directorate. On the los-
ing side of the bruising political
battle were FSLN leaders who
had openly called for the trans-
formation of the organization
into a social-democratic party.
Key leaders of the losing tenden-
cy retained important party posi-
tions, but the acrimony of the
debate and some harsh rhetoric
from the victors after the Con-
gress have led to the possibility
of splits within the organization.
Intense interest was focused on
this Congress because three polit-
ical tendencies emerged in the
pre-Congress discussions, each
grouped around a different mem-
ber of the National Directorate.
The “democratic left” current, led
by Daniel Ortega, is identified
with the belief that the FSLN
needs to remain closer to its his-
toric roots as a revolutionary
party and in clearer opposition to
the Chamorro government. The
“majority” current, led by Sergio
Ramirez, favors the FSLN
becoming a more clearly defined
social-democratic party. National
Directorate member Henry Ruiz
offered himself as a rallying
point for those members of the
FSLN who did not wish to sup-
port either of these two tenden-
cies. Ruiz apparently wants the
FSLN to stay close to its historic
roots, but he supports greater
democracy in the party. Ruiz and
his supporters believe that Ortega
is not the best person to lead the
party to a more oppositional
stance since he was the primary
architect of the strategy of tacti-
cal alliance with the Chamorro
government. Daniel Ortega was reelected as
party general secretary with 287
votes, turning back the challenge
of Henry Ruiz, who received 147
votes. Ortega’s reelection was
not a surprise since this was not a
newly elected Congress but sim-
ply a reconvening of the 1991
body that had previously elected
him. Since Ramirez himself was
not a candidate, Ruiz apparently
received support from members
Vol XXVIII, No 1 JULY/AUGUST 19941 Vol XXVIII, No 1 JuLY/AUGUST 1994 1NEWSBRIEFS
of the “majority” current in addi-
tion to his own supporters.
The main surprise in the elec-
tion of the National Directorate,
in which 15 were elected for
three-year terms from a field of
30, was the dropping of Sergio
Ramfrez. Ramfrez was the only
member of the old Directorate
who was defeated in his reelec-
tion bid. Jaime Wheelock, for-
mer Minister of Agrarian
Reform, did not run for reelec-
tion. It is not clear whether
Ramirez will retain his position
as the head of the FSLN parlia-
mentary delegation. His defeat
also calls into serious question
his chances of being nominated
as the party’s presidential candi-
date in the 1996 elections. He
has been promoted by many as
the party’s logical standard bear-
er, and polls have consistently
shown him to be the most popu-
lar Sandinista political figure.
Overall the newly elected
Directorate represented a clear
victory for Ortega’s “democratic
left” tendency. Ten of the 15
candidates supported by Ortega
were elected. Continued diversi-
ty of the national leadership was
assured, however, by the election
of five members who were either
allied with the Ramirez tendency
or not clearly affiliated.
The process of democratization
which began in 1990 continued.
The Congress approved a quota
system for women’s representa-
tion in party leadership, allotting
30% of all leadership positions to
women. As a consequence, five
women were elected to the
National Directorate. Moreover,
50% of the expanded 135-mem-
ber Sandinista Assembly is now
elected proportionally from the
regions by the entire Congress. It
was also decided that a quota of
10% of assembly seats would be
set aside for youth beginning
with the next Congress.
Much work remained unfin-
ished at the Congress, and the
continued cohesion of the FSLN
is not guaranteed. The Sandin-
ista Assembly has been delegat-
ed the task of refining the party
program in the wake of long dis-
cussions and multiple amend-
ments during the Congressional
proceedings. A coherent alterna-
tive political program to the
neoliberalism of the Chamorro
government has yet to be ham-
mered out. Significant political
differences remain, but the clear
political desire of the rank-and-
file delegates was for unity with-
in the party around a political
platform true to the historic
principles of the FSLN and in
clear opposition to the current
government.
Continued on page 52
PEACE TALKS
STAGGER ALONG
GUATEMALA CITY, JUNE 20, 1994
On June 12, the Guatemalan
government began negotia-
tions with the rebel Guatemalan
National Revolutionary Unity
(URNG) in Oslo, Norway, over the
creation of a “truth commission” to
investigate human rights viola-
tions, and to discuss terms for the
repatriation of thousands of
Guatemalans uprooted during the
country’s 34-year-old civil war.
Until recently, Guatemalan mili-
tary leaders had adamantly resisted
the creation of a truth commission,
originally proposed by the URNG
in 1991. The guerrillas’ insistence,
plus growing domestic and interna-
tional pressures to form the com-
mission, have forced the military
leadership to moderate its stance.
In May Guatemalan Defense Min-
ister Gen. Mario Enrfquez declared
that the army is “prepared” to
accept such a commission,
although he made clear the mili-
tary expects the eventual investiga-
tion to include war atrocities com-
mitted by both sides during the
conflict.
The two sides signed a plan in
Oslo to resettle refugees who had
fled to Mexico as well as internally
displaced persons. The accord
guarantees the personal safety of
returnees, raises the chances of
recovering abandoned homes and
lands, eases bureaucratic hurdles
for those without documents, and
vows to protect the culture of
indigenous groups. The agreement
also calls for the creation of a com-
mission-made up of representa-
tives of the government, the dis-
placed, and international
donors-to oversee resettlement
projects.
The peace talks got back on
track in January, after almost a
year-long derailment, when the
two sides signed a new agenda for
talks and a skeletal human rights
accord. The January agreements
also established a Civil Sector
Assembly (ASC), a special forum
for organizations representing
Guatemalan civil society to give
their input in the peace negotia-
tions. According to the new sched-
ule, a global peace agreement, including a cease-fire and bilateral
demobilization, will hopefully be
signed by the end of the year. The
United States has promised $60
million in aid when a final settle-
ment is reached.
-NotiSur and
InterPress Service
DOCUMENT TRAFFICKING
CARACAS, JUNE, 1994
The sale of identity documents
to foreigners is a lucrative busi-
ness in Venezuela, according to a
recent report in the daily newspa-
per, El Universal. An immigrant
coming from China, India or the
Middle East could end up paying
as much as $20,000 for a full set
of naturalization papers, while the
market rates for immigrants from
other countries seem to vary on a
sliding scale. To obtain a tourist
visa, for example, the newspaper
reports that a Cuban would have to
pay about $10,000, a Colombian,
Peruvian or Ecuadorian $5,000, an
English-speaking West Indian
$4,000, and a Central American
about $1,000. The transformation
of this document into a transient
or resident visa would cost the
applicant between $1,200 and
$1,500, with an extra charge for
“security” (the guarantee of not
being deported) and “mobility”
(safe movement from the border to
the immigrant’s destination).
Some 10,000 individuals-mostly
immigration employees-are
involved in this business which, at
border crossings with Colombia
and Brazil, and at international
airports, nets about $60,000 a day.
The most sought-after business
consists of immigrants who are
brought in in groups, like Chinese
citizens who come to work in
Venezuelan restaurants. This busi-
ness allows illegal operators to
earn thousands of dollars in one
simple “operation.”
-InterPress Service
ELECTIONS IN PANAMA
PANAMA CITY, MAY 15, 1994
Despite a tense atmosphere
leading up to the general elec-
tions in Panama, the May 8 voting
transpired for the most part without
violence or fraud, and with a rela-
tively low rate of voter abstention.
Presidential candidate Ernesto
“Toro” P6rez Balladares, from the
Revolutionary Democratic Party
(PRD)-the party of Omar Torrijos
and Manuel Noriega-achieved a
slim victory, securing one-third of
the valid votes cast. In his initial
declarations and actions following
the victory, P6rez indicated that he
plans to work closely with the
country’s other political forces in a
“government of national unity.”
The biggest surprise in the elec-
toral results was not the victory by
P6rez, who had topped all public
opinion polls conducted since early
this year, but the unexpectedly
strong showing by Mireya
Moscoso, widow of three-time
president Arnulfo Arias. Moscoso,
who had been running in fourth or
fifth place in most pre-election
polls, came in second in the elec-
tions, receiving about 45,000 votes
less than P6rez. Moscoso was the
pro-government candidate of a
conservative alliance comprised of
current President Guillermo
Endara’s Arnulfista Party (PA),
and two smaller parties.
In turn, Moscoso received nearly
as many votes as the combined
total of the two candidates who
were expected to come out ahead
of her, the left-leaning salsa singer
Rub6n Blades and the other pro-
government candidate, Rub6n
Dario Carles. The showing by
Blades was particularly disappoint-
ing, since the 17% of the vote he
received on election day was far
below projections made by poll-
sters based on a surge in his popu-
larity during the last two weeks
before the elections. Since
Moscoso and Caries together
received over 45% of the votes, the
election outcome suggests that had
the pro-government parties suc-
ceeded in backing a single candi-
date, they might well have
achieved their objective of averting
a PRD victory.
-NotiSur
CUBAN EXILES DIALOGUE
HAVANA, MAY 12, 1994
Sver 200 Cuban emigres from
27 countries gathered in
Havana, from April 22 to April 25,
to engage in a dialogue with the
Cuban government and each other
in a conference called “The Nation
and Emigration.” While long-time
pro-revolutionary groups and cen-
ter-left ones were well-represented,
so too were center-right groups
and, indirectly, some of the far
Right.
Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo, one of
the most prominent opponents of
the Castro government to endorse
the dialogue, sent his daughter and
several members of his Miami-
based Cambio Cubano group as
observers to the conference. He
later commented that the confer-
ence was notable in that it brought
under one roof Cuban emigres and
exiles who had never spoken har-
moniously to each other before, and second, that Fidel Castro
received and spoke with members
of the Cambio Cubano delega-
tion-an opposition group with
whom the revolutionary govern-
ment had had no previous dis-
course.
Cuban foreign minister Roberto
Robaino used the conference to
announce some easing of regula-
tions: Cubans who left the island
legally no longer have to wait five
years before returning for a visit;
visiting emigres may stay in the
homes of family members instead
of having to buy package-tours
which include hotels; sons and
daughters of emigres may study at
Cuban universities, although they
can’t partake of the free education
available to Cuban citizens; and a
special office of the foreign min-
istry will be set up to deal specifi-
cally with emigre issues.
Right-wing Cuban exile groups
not participating in the dialogue
justified their opposition by claim-
ing only friends of the Castro
regime had been invited. They
found new fuel for their attacks
when Spanish-language TV sta-
tions in Miami began broadcasting
a videotape made of a reception
with Fidel Castro at the end of the
conference which portrayed men
shaking his hand and women kiss-
ing his cheek. The audio part of the
tape picked up expressions of
admiration and respect expressed
for Fidel-“proof’ to groups like
Alpha 66 and the Cuban American
National Foundation that all the
participants were secret
“Fidelistas.”
-Karen Wald
LULA MODERATES
CAMPAIGN PLATFORM
SAO PAULO, MAY 27, 1994
L uiz Inacio “Lula” da Silva–
presidential candidate for the
Workers Party (PT) in Brazil’s
upcoming general elections-con-
tinues to lead in public-opinion
“polls, with a two-to-one lead over
his closest opponents. Lula has
adamantly pushed his party to
adopt a moderate campaign plat-
form in order to pave the way for
electoral alliances with “centrist”
political groups, appeal to “middle-
of-the-road” voters, and buffer
opposition to his candidacy among
the business community and the
military.
Among the most polemic issues
debated at the PT’s May 1 national
convention were demands by the
radical wing-known as “shiites”
-to include the promise of an
immediate debt moratorium in the
campaign platform, plus the com-
plete legalization of abortion and
authorization for public funds to be
used to finance abortions for poor
women. After 12 hours of grueling
debate, the radicals and Lula’s
moderates-known as “lights”-
reached a compromise on both
issues.
The platform now calls for
“renegotiation” of the foreign debt
to seek more favorable repayment
terms for Brazil, and only autho-
rizes Lula to declare a moratorium
if foreign creditors remain intransi-
gent in negotiations. The demand
for federally funded abortion ser-
vices, meanwhile, was completely
dropped from the platform in order
not to rile the Catholic Church.
Other points in the platform also
reflect Lula’s moderate line. Rather
than call for total opposition to the
privatization of state firms, the PT
says it will only prohibit the sale of
“strategic” enterprises such as the
state oil and telecommunications
monopolies, and it will not attempt
to roll back previous privatizations
carried out under the Collor and
Franco administrations. And, rather
than advocate a return to “protec-
tionist” tariffs and other trade barri-
ers, Lula will seek to include safe-
guards and special assistance funds
to help small domestic businesses
better compete.
The final PT platform still repre-
sents a radical departure from the
neoliberal policies promoted by all
the mainstream parties running in
the elections. Among other things,
Lula says his government will
launch the most tenacious attempt
in Brazilian history to force the
economic elite to pay their taxes.
The expected increase in tax rev-
enue would then be used to fund
massive public works to create
employment opportunities. The
government would also create a
special line of credit to help land-
less peasants obtain land and give
small farmers more access to credit.
Lula also promises to enforce strict
adherence to internationally
accepted labor standards by the
private sector, and to dramatically
increase state spending on educa-
tion each year so that it is at least
equivalent to 10% of GDP.
-NotiSur
UN DENOUNCES HUMAN
RIGHTS VIOLATIONS BY
NEW POLICE FORCE
EL SALVADOR, JUNE 10, 1994
iego Garcfa Sayan, director of
the human rights division of
the UN Observer Mission in El
Salvador (ONUSAL), told
reporters there has been a “signifi-
cant increase” in complaints of
human rights violations during the
past three months. These com-
plaints have been directed against
agents of the new National Civil-
ian Police (PNC).
Garcia Sayan lamented the fact
that the PNC is being charged with
human rights abuses similar to
those committed by the repressive
government security forces it is
replacing. In response, Garcia
Sayan announced that ONUSAL
plans to offer human rights courses
for PNC officials and staff.
According to a March report by
the Washington Office on Latin
America (WOLA), which cited
ONUSAL figures, complaints of
abuse attributed to the PNC rose
from an average of two per month
between March and August 1993,
to 20 during the month of October,
1993. The report attributed the rise
to the growing number of PNC
agents deployed throughout the
country, and to the notable drop in
PNC cooperation with ONUSAL.
Some analysts attributed this
drop to the influence of PNC
deputy director Oscar Pefia Duran,
who resigned in early May. A for-
mer army captain and ex-chief of
the Anti-Narcotics Unit (UEA),
Pefia Duran successfully placed
many ex-UEA agents throughout
the ranks of the PNC, in violation
of an agreement by the govern-
ment that personnel from the UEA
would be limited to the PNC’s
anti-narcotics division.